The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered arguably the most powerful occupants of that office in the nation's history. Whereas countless second-in-commands were confined to minor or figurehead functions, Cheney held huge sway during the term of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly described as the "true president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and stated the relationship was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was courteous, consistently addressing him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their association as a team because it implied that they were equals. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. As Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the destruction of any non-communicating planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the strikes transformed him, causing him to be intent on revenge. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on faulty intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do back then. I believed it then and I hold that view presently."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I saw, at a minimum," he later wrote "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: potentially, deception, incompetence, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had composed a document setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (featuring "availability of crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," specifically mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a scheme to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's visage that everyone had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly referencing agency briefings that were whether weak or entirely deceptive. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the use of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to apprehend the perpetrators who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his hole? It's a advantageous way to function, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in business but established relationships in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the firm increased from his quarter-million dollars when he was defence secretary to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
